Archive for the ‘Taliban’ Category

Hamid Karzai’s Scurrilous Attacks on the U.S. in Afghanistan

Thursday, March 14th, 2013

Recent News and Opinion

Alyssa J. Rubin, News Analysis: Karzai Bets on Vilifying U.S. to Shed His Image as a Lackey,” New York Times, March 12, 2013

Alyssa J. Rubin and Rod Norland, “U.S. General Puts Troops on Security Alert After Karzai Remarks,” New York Times, March 13, 2013

Leslie H. Gelb, “To Hell With Karzai,” The Daily Beast, March 12, 2013 (4:45 AM ET)

Ewen MacAskill (in Washington), “White House: claims of US collusion with Taliban ‘categorically false’; Obama spokesman rejects Karzai’s criticism of US as Afghan in police uniform kills seven including two American troops,” The Guardian, March 11, 2013 (15.51 ET)

Analysis

The United States has tolerated Hamid Karzai’s scurrilous attacks on the U.S. over the years, reacting with “understanding” that, e.g., Karzai is speaking to a domestic audience, or is acting crazy again.

But the U.S. has never reacted to these outrageous attacks with any understanding of their impact in a culture based on honor, and as a result has suffered the double humiliation of being attacked falsely and of being viewed as not having the courage to defend one’s honor.

Such attacks have worked for Karzai in the past, due to the American insistence that its envoys and military commanders get along with the green-caped magician. Karzai has proven far more adept than his allies at manipulating the other party or parties in an alliance which has kept him and the country’s corrupt political elite in power at the cost of U.S. and allied soldiers’ and civilians’ lives, and billions of dollars funneled into the coffers of government officials in what Dexter Filkins has quite aptly termed “Corruptistan”.

In 2009, the U.S. and NATO had a chance to bring Karzai to heel when decisions were being made on whether to insist that a second round in the presidential elections in Afghanistan actually be held, following the first-round elections held on August 20. Karzai’s fraud was so immense, that even the International Elections Commission, which found electoral corruption sufficient to require a second-round run-off,  barely touched the surface of the real fraud, due to the highly selective criteria it used to sample precincts for voting abuses.

The United States blinked, and backed Karzai instead of the democratic project the elections had been intended to further.

In view of the American backing of Karzai and the latter’s failure to guarantee that the second-round election would be fairly conducted, Abdullah Abdullah, the candidate who came in second with backing from the Northern Alliance and others, withdrew.

In any event, it had been obvious for some time that Karzai was the favored candidate of the U.S., for reasons which may have included his brother’s involvement in Kandahar with the CIA as well as that of many other high government officials who were on the CIA payroll.  While there is no public evidence of direct involvement of Hamid Karzai with the CIA, such a relationship now or in the past seems quite plausible given the CIA’s penetration of the highest ranks of the Afghan government, and therefore cannot be ruled out.

For whatever reasons, America could not break with Karzai.

As a result, without improvement of governance in the country to keep pace with military gains, Afghanistan now faces a period of growing instability in which it is fairly likely that the Taliban will achieve increasing control of the countryside as U.S. and ISAF forces draw down and essentially withdraw from the country.

Obama’s decisions in 2009 relating to the presidential elections constituted one of his worst foreign policy failures since assuming office.

The fact that the elections and decisions regarding the holding of the second-round election were not addressed within Obama’s much-touted Afghanistan policy review group revealed either the president’s incompetence in the foreign policy arena, or the fact that he and the CIA had decided issues relating to Karzai outside of the Afghan policy review process, or both of the above. The fact that then CIA Director Leon Panetta did not attend the last sessions of the policy review group lend support to the second hypothesis.

As for Karzai, Thomas Friedman predicted with unerring accuracy the following in an op-ed piece in March, 2010:

We have thousands of U.S. troops on the ground in Afghanistan and more heading there. Love it or hate it, we’re now deep in it, so you have to want our engagement there to build something that is both decent and self-sustaining — so we can get out. But I still fear that Karzai is ready to fight to the last U.S. soldier. And once we clear, hold and build Afghanistan for him, he is going to break our hearts.
–Thomas L. Friedman, “This Time We Really Mean It,” New York Times, March 30, 2010

As long as Karzai is calling the shots, the chances for the kinds of improvements in governance that are required for the government to remain in power and hold off the Taliban after the draw-down and departure of U.S. and ISAF troops do not appear great.

The Trenchant Observer

For (numerous) previous articles on Afghanistan by the Trenchant Observer, use the Search box in the upper right-hand corner of the home page.

The vote on John Brennan’s confirmation to be CIA Director: Opinion and Commentary

Wednesday, February 27th, 2013

Recent Commentary and Opinion

“It is not going too far to say that American foreign policy has become completely subservient to tactical domestic political considerations.”

This stern verdict comes from Vali Nasr, who spent two years working for the Obama administration before becoming dean of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. In a book called “The Dispensable Nation,” to be published in April, Nasr delivers a devastating portrait of a first-term foreign policy that shunned the tough choices of real diplomacy, often descended into pettiness, and was controlled “by a small cabal of relatively inexperienced White House advisers.”

–Roger Cohen, “Beltway Foreign Policy,” New York Times,
February 18, 2013

Shaun Waterman, “Vote on Brennan for CIA post put off; On Benghazi attack, questions remain, “The Washington Times, February 27, 2012.

Dana Milbank, “‘Trust me’ is not enough on drone warfare,” The Washington Post, February 8, 2023 (02:38 PM EST)

Glenn Greenwald. “Debating Zero Dark Thirty and John Brennan; Both the critics’ favorite film of 2012 as well as Obama’s nominee for CIA Director are supporters of torture,” The Guardian, January 8, 2013 (18.01 EST)

See also the following articles by the Trenchant Observer:

What difference does it make if John Brennan is confirmed?
February 27, 2013

Brennan’s wristbands, McCain’s hold, and assertions of legality under international law based on secret operations and secret legal memoranda (with links to Brennan confirmation hearing video, transcript, and written questions and answers)
February 25, 2013

Secret Laws, the John Brennan vote, and the rule of law
February 24, 2013

Imagine: The Collapse of International Order, Syria, and Berlin in 1945
February 20, 2013

Brennan unclear in confirmation hearing as to whether “waterboarding” constitutes “torture” (with transcript)—The John Brennan File #2
February 14, 2013

Drone Killings, the Constitution, International Law, and the John Brennan File
February 7, 2013

The Trenchant Observer

Imagine: The Collapse of International Order, Syria, and Berlin in 1945

Wednesday, February 20th, 2013

There is nothing inevitable about international order.

The lessons of two world wars which informed the creation of the United Nations in 1945, and the maintenance of international peace and security for over 60 years, can be forgotten.

It is entirely conceivable that without decisive leadership from either Europe or the United States, the international order that has existed for many decades could start to wobble and even collapse.

And it is nearly impossible to conceive of such leadership emerging any time soon.

The rubble in Syria resembles the rubble in Berlin and the destruction in Germany in 1945, which occurred the last time the international order collapsed.

How bad could it get?

You could have wars like the one in Syria devastating countries in Africa, a nuclear attack on Los Angeles from North Korea, Iran with nuclear weapons and delivery systems within 5-10 years, and Israel surrounded by hostile Islamist states.

Things could fall apart.

Imagine a world without law, without international law governing the use of force which is generally observed and which states seek to  uphold when it is violated.

Imagine true anarchy unleashed upon the world.

Imagine a  world in which states use force without acknowledging they have acted, and without any obligation to publicly justify the legitimacy of their actions by reference to international law.

That is the direction in which we are heading.

The Trenchant Observer

Key CIA official involved in Bush torture program criticizes “Zero Dark Thirty” for inaccurate depiction of “enhanced interrogation techniques”

Monday, January 7th, 2013

Developing story

You can’t make this stuff up.

Jose Rodriguez, a former CIA official deeply involved in the Bush torture program, published an opinion piece in the Washington Post on January 3 in which he takes issue with the new film, “Zero Dark Thirty,” for inaccurately portraying the use of “enhanced interrogation techniques” including waterboarding. These “techniques” amount to “torture” as that term is used in the U.N. Convention against Torture.

Rodriguez’ point is not that the techniques were not used, but rather that their use was inaccurately depicted in the film.

In what morally twisted universe are we living now?

Could it be that Rodriguez and other officials involved in the torture program (presumably including John Brennan, Obama’s in-house theologian of death and keeper of the drone “targeted killings” lists) have a bad conscience and are desperately looking for vindication?

Time is not on their side. The U.S. was obligated to prosecute them under the Convention Against Torture, but didn’t, leaving open the possibility that some prosecutor, somewhere, will issue an international arrest warrant for them to be arrested and brought to justice.

Within five years or so, they may need to be very careful with their travel plans.

In the meantime, the renewed debate over the efficacy of torture in general, and whether its use led to Bin Laden, continues.

The moral leaders of the nation are silent, too tired perhaps to make their points once again that the problem with torture is not its efficacy, but its morality.

As we wrote some time ago, “Torture will not be through with America until America is through with torture.”

For America to be through with torture would require that those responsible for its use be brought to account. That means removal of all officials responsible for torture and “extraordinary renditions”, including Brennan, from any high positions of authority in the government, prosecution of those who were complicit in torture, and perhaps a truth and reconciliation process through which those who admit their actions and cooperate with investigators might eventually receive reduced sentences or be pardoned.

The irony here, of course, is that by not prosecuting officials responsible for torture under Bush, those same officials cannot be acquitted or pardoned, leaving them exposed for the rest of their lives to the possibility that a prosecutor in another country will have them detained and brought to trial for commission of the international crime of torture.

The United States, in fighting terrorism, has wandered far off the track of the “rule of law” and its most fundamental values.   Will Barack Obama be the president who brings the country back to a strict adherence to the rule of law, who reintroduces “international law” (“law” as in “binding law”, not ”standards” as in “aspirational standards”) into our political discourse and agenda, or will it be one of his successors?

Will foreign judges, such as the 17 judges of the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights, who just condemned Macedonia for complicity with the CIA in the “extraordinary rendition” and torture of a Khaled el-Masri, play a catalytic role?

Could Rodriguez himself one day be arrested, in Europe or Latin America, for his involvement in torture?

That is a profoundly interesting question.

The Trenchant Observer

European court of human rights condemns Macedonia for “extraordinary rendition” to cooperating CIA officials, in Khaled el-Masri case

Friday, December 28th, 2012

News to Note

See

Nicholas Kulish, “Court Finds Rights Violation in C.I.A. Rendition Case,” New York Times, December 13, 2012.

Amrit Singh, “European court of human rights finds against CIA abuse of Khaled el-Masri; America must now apologise to the German citizen, a victim of mistaken identity who was kidnapped and beaten by the CIA,” The Guardian, December 13, 2012.

Richard Norton-Taylor, “CIA ‘tortured and sodomised’ terror suspect, human rights court rules; Landmark European court of human rights judgment says CIA tortured wrongly detained German citizen,” The Guardian, December 13, 2012.

For a detailed description of the judment, see “Macedonian Government responsible for torture, ill-treatment and secret rendition of a man suspected of terrorist ties,” Press Release, issued by the Registrar of the Court, Doc. ECHR 453 (2012) 13.12.2012.

The decision was made by a unanimous vote of the 17-member Grand Chamber of the Court, comprised of the following members:

Nicolas Bratza (United Kingdom), President,
Françoise Tulkens (Belgium),
Josep Casadevall (Andorra),
Dean Spielmann (Luxembourg),
Nina Vajić (Croatia),
Peer Lorenzen (Denmark),
Karel Jungwiert (Czech Republic),
Khanlar Hajiyev (Azerbaijan),
Isabelle Berro-Lefèvre (Monaco),
Luis López Guerra (Spain),
Ledi Bianku (Albania),
Işıl Karakaş (Turkey),
Vincent A. de Gaetano (Malta),
Julia Laffranque (Estonia),
Linos-Alexandre Sicilianos (Greece),
Erik Møse (Norway),
Helen Keller (Switzerland)

Commentary

Whoever President Obama’s nominee to be Director of the CIA may turn out to be, the first question in his or confirmation hearings should be to explain the international law underpinnings of this decision, and their implications for extraordinary renditions, torture, and the use of drones under current U.S. policy.

Obama and U.S. intelligence officials, including John Brennan and others in the White House don’t “get” international law.

The confirmation hearings should make sure that they do. International law is the language of international relations in the world today, not 17th century “just war theory” as Brennan, the President and other national security officials would have us believe.

Any nominee to be the head of the CIA sould know every detail of this case by heart, and be able to explain it to any member of the Senate. Obviously, it will also be important to know precisely what the involvement of the nominee, if any, has been in cases of extraordinary rendition, torture, and the use of kill lists and drones to conduct extrajudicial executions, both inside and outside the theater of the war in Afganistan

The Trenchant Onserver

Lies, Spies and Politics: The Incredible Evolution of the Benghazi “Talking Points” Narrative–Part I

Thursday, November 22nd, 2012

DRAFT–developing

Intelligence agencies use deception as a standard operating procedure. CIA operations are by nature secret, and intelligence agencies go to great lenghts to keep them secret, even if their existence sometimes may be leaked if it suits the president’s purposes.

It should come as no surprise, therefore, that the reporting by American reporters on the Benghazi attacks has been mostly based on off-the-record interviews with administration officials, and that the latter have presented their revelations and confirmations in ways which pursue their own objectives, on background, usually on deep background where even the agency of the source is not revealed. Such reporters seem quite content to simply pass on the latest “revelations”, without vetting them against other known facts and statements. Often, it does not add up.

The constantly evolving narrative of the CIA “talking points” used by Susan Rice on the Sunday talk shows on September 16 illustrates the confusion of such spinning by intelligence officials whose modus operandi is deception and secrecy. First we learn that the so-called talking points were drafted by the CIA. Then we learn they were changed by someone, but all the intelligence chiefs testified that they didn’t know by whom. Then we learn that the CIA draft was not changed by the intelligence agencies, but sent up to the NSC Deputies Committee. Wednesday we learn that the DNI now says that they edited the talking points, as did other agencies.

None of the edits were necessary for national security reasons, in the original opinion of the CIA. Intelligence officials on background justify their edits on the grounds that leaving in the references to al-Queda affiliates and sympathizers would have revealed methods and sources, thereby revealing methods and sources.

On Wedneday, Susan Rice reiterates that she only told the talk shows what was in the talking points. The media fail to point out that she also included references in her statements on those shows to “armed individuals” and “small groups of armed individuals” in an effort to stress the disorganized nature of the attack, when such presumably classified information was not in her “talking points”.

The first duty of a journalist used to be to get to the bottom of things, to sort out all the conflicting evidence and tell the audience what it means, not simply to pass it on. The Washington press corps has, by and large, failed to get to the bottom of things. That is why, two months and 11 days after the attacks at Benghazi, we the public still don’t know for sure exactly what happened, or exactly what the CIA black operation was doing in Benghazi.

Were they providing arms to the Syrian rebels?

The press has failed, spectacularly, to provide an answer to this question, which lies at the heart of the Benghazi affair.They have done so, presumably, because they were asked to withhold those details by the Obama administration’s intelligence agencies. With very few and limited exceptions, the fact that they have published no further details about the CIA’s black operation in Benghazi demonstrates the extent to which the Washington press corps has become a servile instrument of the Obama administration’s foreign policy.

The fact that the administration was able to control the media’s reporting of the CIA’s black operation in Benghazi should be a matter of extraordinary concern to citizens of a free country who are utterly dependent on a free press, and a free press which to be meaningful must aggressively seek out and publish the facts even when the government wants to keep them secret.

Indeed, more broadly, there has been precious little fundamental criticism of Obama’s foreign policies and the details and quality of their implementation.

What were the CIA’s operatives doing in Benghazi?

The answer is of overriding importance for the development and implementation of an effective U.S. foreign policy. From a policy perspective, there is a fundamental question of whether the nation’s interests have been served by Obama’s covert operations relating to Syria, or would have been better served by an open and public policy of support for those forces in Syria who are seeking to bring to an end al-assad’s barbarism, involving widespread commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Such attacks have not been seen in a modern state at least since the Balkan wars of the 1990′s, and possibly since the atrocities of the German Nazi state of Adolph Hitler before and during World War II.

Some 40,000 Syrians have died as a result of the inaction of the international community, and the failure of leadership of the Obama administration. Obama has even blocked the efforts of other states to bring force to bear to halt Bashar al-Assad’s assault on the civilization and people of Syria.

Quite simply, the United States has failed to lead, and whatever beneficial results it has achieved through covert operations have come at a heavy cost. The Saudi defense minister is reportedly playing a key role in coordinating the covert supply of weapons to the Syrian opposition, just as he did with respect to supplying the insurgents in Afghanistan in the 1980′s following the Soviet invasion of that country, when he was ambassador to Washington. We are still dealing with the “blowback” from that operation, as the war in Afghanistan grinds on in its 11th year.

It should come as no surprise that Islamist groups are benefitting from this arrangement at the expense of more secular groups. This is a direct result of the U.S. pursuit of a covert policy in Syria, instead of an open policy that might have led to early confrontation with al-Assad and the saving of tens of thousands of lives.

The spill-over effects of this covert war are being felt throughout the region. Hamas was emboldened by the visit of the leader of Qatar in recent weeks. A looming confrontation between Syria and Turkey, with NATO involvement in supplying Patriot missiles to Turkey while Russia vehemently objects, demonstrations in Jordan including calls for the end of the monarchy, and a continuing threat against the independence of Lebanon, are only some of the knock-on effects of Obama’s covert policy and lack of leadership on Syria. In the

The foreign policy of the United States towards Syria should be debated in public, and carried out in public.

The press has a crtical role to play in guaranteeing that this occurs. Its job is to search out the truth and to report it to its readers and its electronic audience. That truth, and only that truth, can guide the nation in choosing a wise and effective foreign policy.

The Trenchant Observer

Chain-of-command failure? Benghazi and the ghost of “Black Hawk Down”; Obama’s credibility (Updated November 15)

Wednesday, November 14th, 2012

Updated November 15, 2012

Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta said, with respect to the American responses to the attacks in Benghazi, that you don’t want to send forces in until you have reliable intelligence about what is taking place on the ground.

Excerpts from press conference with Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin E. Dempsey, October 25, 2012.

GEN. DEMPSEY: So on the events in Libya, clearly the American people deserve to understand what happened in Benghazi. As you know, there are reviews under way both here and in the Department of State so we’ll better understand what happened.

It’s not helpful, in my view, to provide partial answers. I can tell you, however, sitting here today, that I feel confident that our forces were alert and responsive to what was a very fluid situation.

Q: Can I follow up on that? One of the reasons we’ve heard that there wasn’t a more robust response right away is that there wasn’t a clear intelligence picture over Benghazi, to give you the idea of where to put what forces.

But when there was, in fact, a drone over the CIA annex and there were intelligence officials fighting inside the annex, I guess the big question is, with those two combined assets, why there wasn’t a clear intelligence picture that would have given you what you needed to make some moves, for instance, flying, you know, F-16s over the area to disperse fighters or — or dropping more special forces in.

SEC. PANETTA: You know, let me — let me speak to that, because I’m sure there’s going to be — there’s a lot of Monday morning quarterbacking going on here.

We — we quickly responded, as General Dempsey said, in terms of deploying forces to the region. We had FAST platoons in the region. We had ships that we had deployed off of Libya. And we were prepared to respond to any contingency and certainly had forces in place to do that.

But — but the basic principle here — basic principle is that you don’t deploy forces into harm’s way without knowing what’s going on; without having some real-time information about what’s taking place. And as a result of not having that kind of information, the commander who was on the ground in that area, General Ham, General Dempsey and I felt very strongly that we could not put forces at risk in that situation.

Q: So the drone, then, and the forces inside the annex weren’t giving enough of a clear picture is what you’re saying.

SEC. PANETTA: This — this happened within a few hours and it was really over before, you know, we had the opportunity to really know what was happening (emphasis added).

In Panetta’s statement, one can hear the echo of the searing experience in Mogadishu, Somalia in 1993, which has been captured in the book and the movie entitled, “Black Hawk Down” (1999 and 2001, respectively).

One can also hear the echo of modern drone warfare of the kind Panetta was directly involved in, personally involved in, when he was the Director of the CIA. In drone warfare, of course, to act without good intelligence is the height of folly.

Yet there are older traditions in the U.S. military, in which in a wartime situation it was often necessary to act, even with partial information and in the fog of war.

In Benghazi, it may have been reasonable to think of “Black Hawk Down” and the risk of losing the very soldiers being sent to defend and rescue those under attack. Other options, however, if they were available, might not have entailed the risks of being outmatched on the ground. If a C-130 gunship could have been brought into the battle, as some have suggested, the attackers might have been persuaded to desist. Panetta stated the U.S. had warships on station in the area, but did not explain why they were not called into action.

Moreover, the British reportedly had more robust forces nearby that might have been brought to bear. It would be interesting to know if anyone in Benghazi or in Washington thought to ask for their help.

See

Adam Housley, “Exclusive: Security officials on the ground in Libya challenge CIA account,” Fox News, November 3, 2012.

Jennifer Rubin, “Obama’s legacy: The blunder in Benghazi,” Washington Post, November 5, 2012 (12:20 ET).

The Trenchant Observer, “Benghazi update: New questions raised on intelligence, decision-making failures,” November 5, 2012 (Updated November 6, 2012).

On September 11, U.S. decision-makers may have been more worried about the demonstrations in Cairo and Sana’a than about any warning signs from Benghazi.

One thing is striking about the U.S. responses to the attacks in Benghazi. They all seemed to be orchestrated from Washington. But in a fast-moving situation, might it not have made greater sense to allow the military and security forces in the region to react quickly based on local contacts and intelligence, than to incur the delays and second-guessing involved in consulting the White House, the Pentagon and the CIA?

After the storming of the U.S. embassy in Tehran in 1979, it is hard to believe U.S. contingency plans did not take such attacks as occurred in Benghazi into account.

The deepest mystery is why the administration insisted for so long on putting forth the story that the attacks grew out of a demonstration against the anti-Muslim film, ”The Innocence of Muslims”. When President Obama insists, as he did at his press conference on November 14, that Susan Rice was sent by the White House to the Sunday morning talk shows to speak to the talking points prepared for her, is he not also implying that the best intelligence five days after the attack affirmed that there was a demonstration against the film?

If so, does not that fact alone reveal how utterly incompetent our intelligence agencies have become in converting information and data into meaningful analyses and conclusions?  The world moves quickly, and the government should be able to reach conclusions about what occurred five days after the event.

Or was someone somewhere putting out the false story in order to divert criticism from Obama for the obvious failures at Benghazi? The events in Benghazi did not fit the Obama campaign’s narrative of how the president had vanquished Bin Laden and Al Queda. Whose interests were served by suggesting that the attacks on the consulate grew out of a spontaneous demonstration against an anti-Muslim film?

Yet another possibility, suggested by the transcript of Panetta’s and Dempsey’s news conference on October 25, is that the obfuscation of what happened at Benghazi on September 11-12 was intended to cover over the fact that Panetta and Dempsey were caught by surprise, caught flatfooted as it were, and had not brought to bear the military forces they might have had they been paying closer attention. The failure that was being covered up, under this scenario, would have been a failure in the military chain-of-command, including its coordination with the CIA, the Navy, and the White House. In Panetta’s words, “This — this happened within a few hours and it was really over before, you know, we had the opportunity to really know what was happening.”

Moreover, why was the civilian Secretary of Defense making military decisions on how best to protect the lives of the Americans in Benghazi? Were political considerations involved?

No one wants a crippled second term for Obama. He would do well to ponder the lessons of Watergate: Get the facts out. Get all of the facts out. Get all of the facts out right away.

Otherwise the drip, drip, drip of new revelations will undermine your credibility.

Failures occurred in relation to Benghazi. Otherwise, we would not have four Americans dead, including the U.S. Ambassador to Libya. Yet an endemic weakness in the Obama White House has been that it eschews the admission of failures. This weakness now threatens the president’s ability to command respect during his second term.

President Obama would do well to bring in an experienced hand, someone like David Gergen, to help him manage his communication strategy relating to the Petraeus and Benghazi affairs, if not more.

He needs to grasp the utmost seriousness of these two related matters.  His credibility, whether people trust him or not, hangs in the balance.

The Trenchant Observer

Mitt Romney delivers important speech on foreign policy

Tuesday, October 9th, 2012

Governor Mitt Romney has delivered an important speech on his vision of U.S. foreign policy.

Pundits and Obama supporters have already criticized and rebutted the speech, revealing again that, with few exceptions, they cannot hear criticism and respond constructively to it.

See “SPEECH TEXT: Mitt Romney Delivers Foreign Policy Address to the Virginia Military Institute,” National Journal, October 8, 2012. The text of the speech can be found here.

The speech, which is well-written and at times eloquent, merits a close and direct reading.

Obama and his supporters would be well-advised to try to put down their defenses and really hear the essential criticisms contained in the speech, whether or not they agree with them.

Perhaps the greatest weakness of Obama and his foreign policy team has been that they have been unable to hear and respond to criticisms. Romney’s October 8 speech provides them with a new opportunity to do some deep thinking and self-examination.

If Obama has no more to offer in response to  Romney’s critisims than the  typical defensive statements (“you just don’t understand, these are the facts”), he will will be hurt by Romney in the forthcoming debate on foreign policy issues.

The Trenchant Observer

No time for cowboys: U.S. preparation for reprisals against Libyan targets

Wednesday, October 3rd, 2012

News report

WASHINGTON — The United States is laying the groundwork for operations to kill or capture militants implicated in the deadly attack on a diplomatic mission in Libya, senior military and counterterrorism officials said Tuesday, as the weak Libyan government appears unable to arrest or even question fighters involved in the assault.

The top-secret Joint Special Operations Command is compiling so-called target packages of detailed information about the suspects, the officials said. Working with the Pentagon and the C.I.A., the command is preparing the dossiers as the first step in anticipation of possible orders from President Obama to take action against those determined to have played a role in the attack on a diplomatic mission in the eastern city of Benghazi that killed Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens and three colleagues three weeks ago.

–Eric Schmitt and David D. Kirkpatrick, “U.S. Is Tracking Killers in Attack on Libya Mission,” New York Times, October 2, 2012 (October 3, 2012 print edition).

Several facts have now become clear regarding the attacks on the U.S. consulate and other buildings in Benghazi on September 11-12, which resulted in the death of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other Americans.  They include:

1.  The Ambassador, and the consulate in Benghazi, were woefully unprotected in terms of security.  The State Department had refused numerous requests for more robust security arrangements in view of the changing risk environment in eastern Libya.

2.  The CIA and/or other U.S. government agencies were conducting a major “black” or secret  operation in Benghazi, without the knowledge of ranking Libyan officials.

3.   The lack of any warning of the imminence or possibility of the attacks on September 11-12 against the consulate, and a second compound at some remove from the consulate (often referred to as a “safe house”), constituted an enormous intelligence failure on the part of the Obama administration.

4.  The failure of the “black ops” group to anticipate the attacks reveals a stunning lack of effectiveness of intelligence operatives whose precise task was to track activities among anti-American and extremist groups.

5.  As one official told the New York Times, the attacks in Benghazi and the withdrawal of the U.S. intelligence operatives meant that the U.S. had had its “eyes poked out”  in Libya, or at least in eastern Libya.

Among the more than two dozen American personnel evacuated from the city after the assault on the American mission and a nearby annex were about a dozen C.I.A. operatives and contractors, who played a crucial role in conducting surveillance and collecting information on an array of armed militant groups in and around the city.

“It’s a catastrophic intelligence loss,” said one American official who has served in Libya and who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the F.B.I. is still investigating the attack. “We got our eyes poked out.”

The C.I.A.’s surveillance targets in Benghazi and eastern Libya include Ansar al-Sharia, a militia that some have blamed for the attack, as well as suspected members of Al Qaeda’s affiliate in North Africa, known as Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.

–Eric Schmitt, Helene Cooper and Michael S. Schmidt, “Deadly Attack in Libya Was Major Blow to C.I.A. Efforts,” New York Times, September 23, 2012.

6.  Obama administration officials, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, provided misleading information about who was responsible for the attack on the consulate, in a series of constantly-changing stories over a period of weeks.  In particular, these officials pushed a narrative that the attacks were the result of demonstrations in front of the consulate that were a reaction to the movie trailer for “The Innocence of Muslims,” which gave rise to demonstrations throughout a number of Muslim countries, when the known facts strongly suggested this was not the case.

7.  Obama administration officials have apparently leaked information regarding the preparation of target options or “packages”, to be executed against those responsible for the attacks in Benghazi, if President Obama gives the go-ahead. 

8.  The last two points continue a pattern in which leaks by government officials seek to portray President Obama as a “macho” president who is extremely tough on national defense and national security.

Two extremely dangerous factors seem to be converging that could lead the president to undertake disastrous actions against targets in Libya.

The first is the dominance within Obama’s national security councils of CIA and military advocates of using force against targets in other countries without regard for their sovereignty, including a special attachment to drone stikes and special operations attacks conducted outside the framework of international law.

International law establishes with great clarity that the conduct of reprisals within the territory of another state is a violation of bedrock principles of international law prohibiting the use of force (e.g., Article 2(4) of the U.N. Charter), and are not permissible under international law as lawful exercises of the right to self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter.

The second factor is the presidential election to be held on November 6, and the ongoing campaign including the first debate between  Barack Obama and Mitt Romney to be held tonight, October 3, 2012.  Romney has criticized Obama sharply for some of the failures mentioned in the points above.

Obama’s argument throughout the campaign has been that he has effectively reduced the threat of Al Qaueda and terrorists against the United States.  The Libyan failures do not fit well within this narrative.

Washington’s misleading statements about what happened in Benghazi suggest, to this observer at least, that the CIA and other intelligence agencies have been very keen to distract attention from what the black operations group was doing in Libya, without the permission of the Libyan government.  The administration’s objectives in making these misleading statements seem to have been to avoid discussion of this sensitive issue, and to keep the whole Libyan mess out of the presidential campaign.

This tactic of issuing misleading statements has now backfired.

The great risk at the moment is that President Obama, in order to shift the conversation away from his administration’s failures in Libya, will resort to the direct use of force against those believed to be responsible for the death of Ambassador Stevens and the other Americans in Benghazi, without the consent and cooperation of the Libyan authorities.

The electoral logic is powerful, but the risk is that such actions could inflict enourmous damage on U.S. foreign policy and public attitudes toward the United States not only in Libya, but also throughout the Middle East and in other Muslim countries.

The United States should not react to the attacks in Benghazi like a tribe which demands immediate blood vengeance for the killing of one of its members. Rather, it should act as a great democracy and example to the world, dedicated to the rule of law, and proceed to identify those responsible for the attacks, and then over time seek to bring them to justice through cooperation with the governments of the countries in which they may be found. This is the example which will have a real and lasting impact in the Middle East, and beyond.

The cowboys who have grown accustomed to conducting drone attacks in other countries without regard for international law, or for the reactions of the peoples and governments in the territories where they direct their strikes, should be sent back to the corral.

They should not be allowed to call the shots on this one.  Nor should the Obama campaign operation be allowed to undermine U.S. foreign policy in the region for the sake of electoral politics.

Above all, if President Obama is wearing a cowboy hat, he should take it off.

The Trenchant Observer

The punishment of presumed innocents: From the Vatican, and Afghanistan, cautionary tales for our times

Tuesday, October 2nd, 2012

Excerpt

Pope Benedict’s former butler, on trial for stealing papal documents, told a Vatican court on Tuesday that during the first weeks of his detention he was held in an isolation room so small he couldn’t stretch out his arms and with light on constantly.

Domenico Giani, the head of the Vatican police, issued a statement saying the room conformed to “standards used by other countries in similar situations”.

The Case of Paolo Gabriele, the Pope’s Butler

From the Vatican, we receive news that the impact of “standards used by other countries in similar situations” include holding suspects presumed to be innocent in sooms so small they cannot extend their arms. Reuters reports,

VATICAN CITY (Reuters) – Pope Benedict’s former butler, on trial for stealing papal documents, told a Vatican court on Tuesday that during the first weeks of his detention he was held in an isolation room so small he couldn’t stretch out his arms and with light on constantly.

Paolo Gabriele said that during those weeks he had suffered damage to his eyesight and had felt under psychological pressure. On the first night in the room in the Vatican’s police station, “even a pillow was denied me”, he said.

A judge ordered an investigation of the police force after Gabriele, speaking confidently and smiling often, made the assertions on the second day of a trial that has embarrassed the Vatican.

Gabriele, who is accused of passing to a journalist documents alleging corruption in the Vatican, pleaded not guilty to charges of aggravated theft.

Asked by his lawyer Cristiana Arru if it was true that for the first weeks after his arrest on May 23 he was held in a room so narrow he could not stretch out his arms, he said: “Yes.”

In answer to a question by the judge, Gabriele said:

“For the first 15-20 days the light was on 24 hours a day and there was no switch. As a result my eyesight was damaged.”

He said he was subjected to what he and his lawyer called psychological pressure.

Domenico Giani, the head of the Vatican police, issued a statement saying the room conformed to “standards used by other countries in similar situations”.

It said the light had been kept on for general security reason, to keep Gabriele from harming himself and that the prisoner had been given an eye mask. He denied that Gabriele had not been given a pillow and said Gabriele was later moved to a larger room in the Vatican police station.

–Reuters, “Vatican Orders Investigation of Police for Abuse of Butler After Arrest”, New York Times, October 2, 2012.

“Standards Used by Other Countires in Similar Circumstances”

In 1764, Cesare Beccaria wrote in his seminal work entitled, Of Crimes and Punishments (published in Italian), the following words regarding torture:

Of Torture.

The torture of a criminal during the course of his trial is a cruelty consecrated by custom in most nations. It is used with an intent either to make him confess his crime, or to explain some contradictions into which he had been led during his examination, or discover his accomplices, or for some kind of metaphysical and incomprehensible purgation of infamy, or, finally, in order to discover other crimes of which he is not accused, but of which he may be guilty.

No man can be judged a criminal until he be found guilty; nor can society take from him the public protection until it have been proved that he has violated the conditions on which it was granted. What right, then, but that of power, can authorise the punishment of a citizen so long as there remains any doubt of his guilt? This dilemma is frequent. Either he is guilty, or not guilty. If guilty, he should only suffer the punishment ordained by the laws, and torture becomes useless, as his confession is unnecessary, if he be not guilty, you torture the innocent; for, in the eye of the law, every man is innocent whose crime has not been proved. Besides, it is confounding all relations to expect that a man should be both the accuser and accused; and that pain should be the test of truth, as if truth resided in the muscles and fibres of a wretch in torture. By this method the robust will escape, and the feeble be condemned. These are the inconveniences of this pretended test of truth, worthy only of a cannibal, and which the Romans, in many respects barbarous, and whose savage virtue has been too much admired, reserved for the slaves alone.

–Cesare Beccaria, Of Crimes and Punishments (1764), Chapter “On Torture”.

The presumption of innocence is well-established in the constitutions of the world and international human rights law including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966, in force 1976).

Article 14(2) of the Covenant provides: “Everyone charged with a criminal offence shall have the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.”

Article of 1(1) of the U.N. Convention Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984, in force 1987) defines “torture” as follows:

Article 1

1. For the purposes of this Convention, the term “torture” means any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to lawful sanctions.

The Convention also provides, in Article 16 the following with respect to treatment that does not rise to the level of torture:

Article 16

1. Each State Party shall undertake to prevent in any territory under its jurisdiction other acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment which do not amount to torture as defined in article 1, when such acts are committed by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. In particular, the obligations contained in articles 10, 11, 12 and 13 shall apply with the substitution for references to torture or references to other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

2. The provisions of this Convention are without prejudice to the provisions of any other international instrument or national law which prohibit cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment or which relate to extradition or expulsion.

Observations

The rough treatment of suspects “presumed to be innocent” has become rather commonplace in the United States and other countries.

From the “perp walk” arrested suspects are forced to undergo when entering the courthouse in many jurisdictions in the United States, to the treatment of John Walker Lindh, “the American Taliban”, when he was first captured and held in Afghanistan in 2001, from the CIA’s use of so-called “harsh interrogation techniques” (in violation of the Torture Convention) to the conditions in which suspects have been held in Guantánamo and Bagram prisons, the presumption of innocence seems to have frayed around the edges.  The use of various forms of pressure on suspects, including interrogation techniques banned by the Torture Convention, international human rights law, and the laws of war seems to have become widespread, even if the most egregious of those techniques have now been banned by President Barack Obama by Executive Order.

The Treatment of John Walker Lindh While Detained in Afghanistan

A second case which throws light on contemporary practice regarding the presumption of innocence is that of John Walker Lindh, the so-called American Taliban. The following descriptions detail the conditions under which John Walker Lindh was detained in Afghanistan in 2001:

December 8-9, 2001: John Walker Lindh Kept in Metal Box for Two Days, Denied Medical Treatment According to government papers, later quoted by defense lawyers for captured “American Taliban” John Walker Lindh (see Late morning, November 25, 2001), “A Navy physician present at Camp Rhino recounted that the lead military interrogator in charge of Mr. Lindh’s initial questioning told the physician ‘that sleep deprivation, cold, and hunger might be employed’ during Mr. Lindh’s interrogations.” This interrogator later says, “he was initially told to get whatever information he could get from the detainee. However,… once it was determined from their initial questioning of Lindh that he was an American, which was done within an hour or so, [the military interrogator] informed a superior and was told they were done questioning him.” Lindh nevertheless is subjected to “sleep deprivation, cold, and hunger.” The metal container Lindh is kept in has no light or heat source. Only two small holes in the sides of the container allow some light and air to enter, through which military guards frequently shout swearwords at Lindh and discuss spitting in his food. According to his defense attorneys, “Mr. Lindh’s hands and feet remained restrained such that his forearms were forced together and fully extended, pointing straight down towards his feet. The pain from the wrist restraints was intense. Initially, Mr. Lindh remained fully exposed within the metal container, lying on his back; after some time had passed, one blanket was placed over him and one beneath him. While in the container the first two days, Mr. Lindh was provided minimal food and little medical attention. He suffered from constant pain from the plastic cuffs on his wrists and the bullet wound in his thigh. Because the metal container was placed next to a generator, the loud noise it generated echoed within the container. According to government disclosures, Mr. Lindh repeatedly said he was cold and asked for more protection from the weather. When Mr. Lindh needed to urinate, his guards did not release him from the restraints binding him to his stretcher, but instead propped up the stretcher into a vertical position. Due to hunger, the cold temperature, the noise, and the incessant pain caused by his wounds and the position in which he was restrained, Mr. Lindh was unable to sleep. Mr. Lindh was held under these conditions continuously for two days.” [United States of America v. John Walker Lindh, 6/13/2002 ]

–History Commons, War in Afghanistan, John Walker Lindh

Lindh’s father describes these conditions of confinement as follows:

On December 7 John was flown to Camp Rhino, a U.S. Marine base approximately 70 miles south of Kandahar, where he was taunted and threatened, stripped of his clothing, and bound naked to a stretcher with duct tape wrapped around his chest, arms, and ankles. It was winter in Afghanistan, and John shivered uncontrollably in the bitter cold. Still blindfolded, he was placed in a metal shipping container that sat on the desert floor. It was especially cold at night, and the pain from plastic restraints that had been tightened about his wrists was severe.

After two days in the container, he was taken into a building at Camp Rhino. When his blindfold was removed, John found himself in front of a man who identified himself as an FBI agent and then read from an advice-of-rights form. When the agent reached the part that concerned right to counsel, he said, “Of course, there are no lawyers here.” John was not told that his parents had retained an attorney for him who was ready and willing to travel to Afghanistan. Worried that he would be returned to the container if he did not sign the form, John signed the waiver.

A two-day interrogation followed, after which U.S. military personnel put John back in the metal shipping container, although this time his leg- and handcuffs were loosened and he was no longer bound by duct tape or blindfolded. On December 14 he was placed on board the USS Peleliu, where Navy physicians observed that he was suffering from dehydration, hypothermia, and frostbite, and that he could not walk. On December 15 the bullet was finally removed from his leg in a surgical procedure conducted more than two weeks after he had been transferred to the custody of the U.S. military.

–Frank R. Lindh, “The Crimeless Crime: The Prosecution
of John Walker Lindh,” DC Bar, Taking the Stand, May 2005.

Analysis and Further Observations

What are we witnessing when we see something like the “perp walk” of Dominique Strauss Kahn in New York when he was arrested for sexual assault in New York in 2011, but before he was found guilty by a court? In this New York case, in fact, he was never found criminally guilty by a court.

What does it mean when we see John Walker Lindh taped naked to a table in a container bin in Afghanistan, in freezing conditions, before he has been convicted of any crime? He was, of course, later convicted. The point, however, is that he had not been convicted at the time, and in any event the conditions of his confinement almost certainly represented a violation of the laws of war.

Are we witnessing a kind of militarization of the criminal justice process, where those who are arrested are treated as if they were guilty by the authorities, just as suspected terrorists may be treated, or even killed by drones in the infamous “signature strikes” where they are convicted by perceptions of their patterns of activity without even knowing their names?

Just what does the presumption of innocence mean today, in the United States, the Vatican and other countries? Does it mean, legally, that the accused are to be treated as if they are innocent?

That seemed to be the original idea, going all the way back to Cesare Beccaria. Where do we as a society, as an international community, stand with respect to that idea today?

What happened?

The Trenchant Observer